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Comedy Read in another language Watch this page Edit This article is about a genre of dramatic works. For other uses, see Comedy (disambiguation). For the popular meaning of the term "comedy", see Humour. In a modern sense, comedy (from the Greek: κωμῳδία, kōmōidía) refers to any discourse or work generally intended to be humorous or amusing by inducing laughter, especially in theatre, television, film, stand-up comedy, or any other medium of entertainment. The origins of the term are found in Ancient Greece. In the Athenian democracy, the public opinion of voters was influenced by the political satire performed by the comic poets at the theaters.[1] The theatrical genre of Greek comedy can be described as a dramatic performance which pits two groups or societies against each other in an amusing agon or conflict. Northrop Frye depicted these two opposing sides as a "Society of Youth" and a "Society of the Old."[2] A revised view characterizes the essential agon of comedy as a struggle between a relatively powerless youth and the societal conventions that pose obstacles to his hopes. In this struggle, the youth is understood to be constrained by his lack of social authority, and is left with little choice but to take recourse in ruses which engender very dramatic irony which provokes laughter.[3]
Satire and political satire use comedy to portray persons or social institutions as ridiculous or corrupt, thus alienating their audience from the object of their humor. Parody subverts popular genres and forms, critiquing those forms without necessarily condemning them.
Other forms of comedy include screwball comedy, which derives its humor largely from bizarre, surprising (and improbable) situations or characters, and black comedy, which is characterized by a form of humor that includes darker aspects of human behavior or human nature. Similarly scatological humor, sexual humor, and race humor create comedy by violating social conventions or taboos in comic ways. A comedy of manners typically takes as its subject a particular part of society (usually upper-class society) and uses humor to parody or satirize the behavior and mannerisms of its members. Romantic comedy is a popular genre that depicts burgeoning romance in humorous terms and focuses on the foibles of those who are falling in love.
Etymology Edit
Tragic Comic Masks of Ancient Greek Theatre represented in the Hadrian's Villa mosaic The word "comedy" is derived from the Classical Greek κωμῳδία kōmōidía, which is a compound either of κῶμος kômos (revel) or κώμη kṓmē (village) and ᾠδή ōidḗ (singing); it is possible that κῶμος itself is derived from κώμη, and originally meant a village revel. The adjective "comic" (Greek κωμικός kōmikós), which strictly means that which relates to comedy is, in modern usage, generally confined to the sense of "laughter-provoking".[4] Of this, the word came into modern usage through the Latin comoedia and Italian commedia and has, over time, passed through various shades of meaning.[5]
The Greeks and Romans confined their use of the word "comedy" to descriptions of stage-plays with happy endings. Aristotle defined comedy as an imitation of men worse than the average (where tragedy was an imitation of men better than the average). However, the characters portrayed in comedies were not worse than average in every way, only insofar as they are Ridiculous, which is a species of the Ugly. The Ridiculous may be defined as a mistake or deformity not productive of pain or harm to others; the mask, for instance, that excites laughter is something ugly and distorted without causing pain.[6] In the Middle Ages, the term expanded to include narrative poems with happy endings. It is in this sense that Dante used the term in the title of his poem, La Commedia.
As time progressed, the word came more and more to be associated with any sort of performance intended to cause laughter.[5] During the Middle Ages, the term "comedy" became synonymous with satire, and later with humour in general.
Aristotle's Poetics was translated into Arabic in the medieval Islamic world, where it was elaborated upon by Arabic writers and Islamic philosophers, such as Abu Bischr, and his pupils Al-Farabi, Avicenna, and Averroes. They disassociated comedy from Greek dramatic representation and instead identified it with Arabic poetic themes and forms, such as hija (satirical poetry). They viewed comedy as simply the "art of reprehension", and made no reference to light and cheerful events, or to the troubling beginnings and happy endings associated with classical Greek comedy.
After the Latin translations of the 12th century, the term "comedy" gained a more general meaning in medieval literature.[7]
In the late 20th century, many scholars preferred to use the term laughter to refer to the whole gamut of the comic, in order to avoid the use of ambiguous and problematically defined genres such as the grotesque, irony, and satire.[8][9]
History Edit
Western history of comedy Edit Dionysiac origins, Aristophanes and Aristotle Edit See also: Old Comedy, Menander, and Ancient Greek comedy
Roman-era mosaic depicting a scene from Menander's comedy Samia ("The Woman from Samos") Starting from 425 BCE, Aristophanes, a comic playwright and satirical author of the Ancient Greek Theater, wrote 40 comedies, 11 of which survive. Aristophanes developed his type of comedy from the earlier satyr plays, which were often highly obscene.[10] The only surviving examples of the satyr plays are by Euripides, which are much later examples and not representative of the genre.[11] In ancient Greece, comedy originated in bawdy and ribald songs or recitations apropos of phallic processions and fertility festivals or gatherings.[12]
Around 335 BCE, Aristotle, in his work Poetics, stated that comedy originated in phallic processions and the light treatment of the otherwise base and ugly. He also adds that the origins of comedy are obscure because it was not treated seriously from its inception.[13] However, comedy had its own Muse: Thalia.
Aristotle taught that comedy was generally positive for society, since it brings forth happiness, which for Aristotle was the ideal state, the final goal in any activity. For Aristotle, a comedy did not need to involve sexual humor. A comedy is about the fortunate rise of a sympathetic character. Aristotle divides comedy into three categories or subgenres: farce, romantic comedy, and satire. On the contrary, Plato taught that comedy is a destruction to the self. He believed that it produces an emotion that overrides rational self-control and learning. In The Republic, he says that the guardians of the state should avoid laughter, "for ordinarily when one abandons himself to violent laughter, his condition provokes a violent reaction." Plato says comedy should be tightly controlled if one wants to achieve the ideal state.
Also in Poetics, Aristotle defined comedy as one of the original four genres of literature. The other three genres are tragedy, epic poetry, and lyric poetry. Literature, in general, is defined by Aristotle as a mimesis, or imitation of life. Comedy is the third form of literature, being the most divorced from a true mimesis. Tragedy is the truest mimesis, followed by epic poetry, comedy, and lyric poetry. The genre of comedy is defined by a certain pattern according to Aristotle's definition. Comedies begin with low or base characters seeking insignificant aims and end with some accomplishment of the aims which either lightens the initial baseness or reveals the insignificance of the aims.
Early Renaissance forms of comedy Edit Main articles: Divine Comedy and Dante The Divine Comedy (Italian: Divina Commedia [diˈviːna komˈmɛːdja]) is a long narrative poem by Dante Alighieri, begun c. 1308 and completed in 1320, a year before his death in 1321. It is widely considered to be the preeminent work in Italian literature[14] and one of the greatest works of world literature.[15] The poem's imaginative vision of the afterlife is representative of the medieval world-view as it had developed in the Western Church by the 14th century. It helped establish the Tuscan language, in which it is written, as the standardized Italian language.[16] It is divided into three parts: Inferno, Purgatorio, and Paradiso.
The narrative describes Dante's travels through Hell, Purgatory, and Paradise or Heaven,[17] while allegorically the poem represents the soul's journey towards God.[18] Dante draws on medieval Christian theology and philosophy, especially Thomistic philosophy and the Summa Theologica of Thomas Aquinas.[19] Consequently, the Divine Comedy has been called "the Summa in verse".[20] In Dante's work, Virgil is presented as human reason and Beatrice is presented as divine knowledge.[21]
The work was originally simply titled Comedia (so also in the first printed edition, published in 1472). The adjective Divina was added by Giovanni Boccaccio, and the first edition to name the poem Divina Comedia in the title was that of the Venetian humanist Lodovico Dolce,[22] published in 1555 by Gabriele Giolito de' Ferrari.
The Divine Comedy is composed of 14,233 lines that are divided into three cantiche (singular cantica) – Inferno (Hell), Purgatorio (Purgatory), and Paradiso (Paradise) – each consisting of 33 cantos (Italian plural canti). An initial canto, serving as an introduction to the poem and generally considered to be part of the first cantica, brings the total number of cantos to 100. It is generally accepted, however, that the first two cantos serve as a unitary prologue to the entire epic, and that the opening two cantos of each cantica serve as prologues to each of the three cantiche.[23][24][25]
Commedia dell'arte and Shakespearean, Elizabethan comedy Edit
Title page of the first quarto of Shakespeare's Midsummer Night's Dream (1600) "Comedy", in its Elizabethan usage, had a very different meaning from modern comedy. A Shakespearean comedy is one that has a happy ending, usually involving marriages between the unmarried characters, and a tone and style that is more light-hearted than Shakespeare's other plays.[26]
The Punch and Judy show has roots in the 16th-century Italian commedia dell'arte. The figure of Punch derives from the Neapolitan stock character of Pulcinella.[27] The figure who later became Mr. Punch made his first recorded appearance in England in 1662.[28] Punch and Judy are performed in the spirit of outrageous comedy — often provoking shocked laughter — and are dominated by the anarchic clowning of Mr. Punch.[29] Appearing at a significant period in British history, professor Glyn Edwards states: "[Pulcinella] went down particularly well with Restoration British audiences, fun-starved after years of Puritanism. We soon changed Punch's name, transformed him from a marionette to a hand puppet, and he became, really, a spirit of Britain — a subversive maverick who defies authority, a kind of puppet equivalent to our political cartoons."[28]
19th to early 20th century Edit Main article: Clown In early 19th century England, pantomime acquired its present form which includes slapstick comedy and featured the first mainstream clown Joseph Grimaldi, while comedy routines also featured heavily in British music hall theatre which became popular in the 1850s.[30] British comedians who honed their skills in music hall sketches include Charlie Chaplin, Stan Laurel and Dan Leno.[31] English music hall comedian and theatre impresario Fred Karno developed a form of sketch comedy without dialogue in the 1890s, and Chaplin and Laurel were among the comedians who worked for his company.[31] Karno was a pioneer of slapstick, and in his biography, Laurel stated, "Fred Karno didn't teach Charlie [Chaplin] and me all we know about comedy. He just taught us most of it".[32] Film producer Hal Roach stated: "Fred Karno is not only a genius, he is the man who originated slapstick comedy. We in Hollywood owe much to him."[33] American vaudeville emerged in the 1880s and remained popular until the 1930s, and featured comedians such as W. C. Fields, Buster Keaton and the Marx Brothers.
20th century theatre and art Edit See also: Surreal humour, Theatre of the Absurd, and Absurdist fiction Surreal humour (also known as 'absurdist humour'), or 'surreal comedy', is a form of humour predicated on deliberate violations of causal reasoning, producing events and behaviours that are obviously illogical. Constructions of surreal humour tend to involve bizarre juxtapositions, incongruity, non-sequiturs, irrational or absurd situations and expressions of nonsense.[34] The humour arises from a subversion of audience's expectations, so that amusement is founded on unpredictability, separate from a logical analysis of the situation. The humour derived gets its appeal from the ridiculousness and unlikeliness of the situation. The genre has roots in Surrealism in the arts.[34]
Edward Lear, Aged 73 and a Half and His Cat Foss, Aged 16, an 1885 lithograph by Edward Lear Surreal humour is the effect of illogic and absurdity being used for humorous effect. Under such premises, people can identify precursors and early examples of surreal humour at least since the 19th century, such as Lewis Carroll's Alice's Adventures in Wonderland and Through the Looking-Glass, which both use illogic and absurdity (hookah-smoking caterpillars, croquet matches using live flamingos as mallets, etc.) for humorous effect. Many of Edward Lear's children stories and poems contain nonsense and are basically surreal in approach. For example, The Story of the Four Little Children Who Went Round the World (1871) is filled with contradictory statements and odd images intended to provoke amusement, such as the following:
After a time they saw some land at a distance; and when they came to it, they found it was an island made of water quite surrounded by earth. Besides that, it was bordered by evanescent isthmuses with a great Gulf-stream running about all over it, so that it was perfectly beautiful, and contained only a single tree, 503 feet high.[35]
In the early 20th century, several avant-garde movements, including the dadaists, surrealists, and futurists, began to argue for an art that was random, jarring and illogical.[36] The goals of these movements were in some sense serious, and they were committed to undermining the solemnity and self-satisfaction of the contemporary artistic establishment. As a result, much of their art was intentionally amusing.
A famous example is Marcel Duchamp's Fountain (1917), an inverted urinal signed "R. Mutt". This became one of the most famous and influential pieces of art in history, and one of the earliest examples of the found object movement. It is also a joke, relying on the inversion of the item's function as expressed by its title as well as its incongruous presence in an art exhibition.[37]
20th century film and television Edit
Dean Martin and Jerry Lewis (ca. 1950)
Jim Carrey mugs for the camera
Rowan Atkinson as Mr. Bean
Jackie Chan at the 2008 Cannes Film Festival
Stand-up comedian Margaret Cho
Popov the Clown in 2009
Barry Humphries in character in London as "Dame Edna Everage" on the day of 2011 Wedding of Prince William and Kate Middleton
Jordan Peele at the Peabody awards. The advent of cinema in the late 19th century, and later radio and television in the 20th century broadened the access of comedians to the general public. Charlie Chaplin, through silent film, became one of the best-known faces on earth. The silent tradition lived on well into the 20th century through mime artists like Marcel Marceau, and the physical comedy of artists like Rowan Atkinson as Mr. Bean. The tradition of the circus clown also continued, with such as Bozo the Clown in the United States and Oleg Popov in Russia. Radio provided new possibilities — with Britain producing the influential Goon Show after the Second World War. American cinema has produced a great number of globally renowned comedy artists, from Laurel and Hardy, the Three Stooges, Abbott and Costello, Dean Martin and Jerry Lewis, as well as Bob Hope during the mid-20th century, to performers like George Carlin, Robin Williams, and Eddie Murphy at the end of the century. Hollywood attracted many international talents like the British comics Peter Sellers, Dudley Moore and Sacha Baron Cohen, Canadian comics Dan Aykroyd, Jim Carrey, and Mike Myers, and the Australian comedian Paul Hogan, famous for Crocodile Dundee. Other centres of creative comic activity have been the cinema of Hong Kong, Bollywood, and French farce.
American television has also been an influential force in world comedy: with American series like MAS*H, Seinfeld and The Simpsons achieving large followings around the world. British television comedy also remains influential, with quintessential works including Fawlty Towers, Monty Python, Dad's Army, Blackadder, and The Office. Australian satirist Barry Humphries, whose comic creations include the housewife and "gigastar" Dame Edna Everage, for his delivery of Dadaist and absurdist humour to millions, was described by biographer Anne Pender in 2010 as not only "the most significant theatrical figure of our time ... [but] the most significant comedian to emerge since Charlie Chaplin".[38]
Non-Western history of comedy Edit Classical Sanskrit Dramas, Plays, and Epics of Ancient India Edit See also: Sanskrit Drama, Mahabharata, and Bhagavata Purana By 200 BC,[39] in ancient Sanskrit drama, Bharata Muni's Natya Shastra defined humour (hāsyam) as one of the nine nava rasas, or principle rasas (emotional responses), which can be inspired in the audience by bhavas, the imitations of emotions that the actors perform. Each rasa was associated with a specific bhavas portrayed on stage. In the case of humour, it was associated with mirth (hasya).
Studies on the theory of the comic Edit
The phenomena connected with laughter and that which provokes it have been carefully investigated by psychologists. They agree the predominant characteristics are incongruity or contrast in the object and shock or emotional seizure on the part of the subject. It has also been held that the feeling of superiority is an essential factor: thus Thomas Hobbes speaks of laughter as a "sudden glory". Modern investigators have paid much attention to the origin both of laughter and of smiling, as well as the development of the "play instinct" and its emotional expression.
George Meredith said that "One excellent test of the civilization of a country ... I take to be the flourishing of the Comic idea and Comedy, and the test of true Comedy is that it shall awaken thoughtful laughter." Laughter is said to be the cure for being sick. Studies show that people who laugh more often get sick less.[40][41]
American literary theorist Kenneth Burke writes that the "comic frame" in rhetoric is "neither wholly euphemistic, nor wholly debunking—hence it provides the charitable attitude towards people that is required for purposes of persuasion and co-operation, but at the same time maintains our shrewdness concerning the simplicities of ‘cashing in.’" [42] The purpose of the comic frame is to satirize a given circumstance and promote change by doing so. The comic frame makes fun of situations and people, while simultaneously provoking thought.[43] The comic frame does not aim to vilify in its analysis, but rather, rebuke the stupidity and foolery of those involved in the circumstances.[44] For example, on The Daily Show, Jon Stewart uses the "comic frame" to intervene in political arguments, often offering crude humor in sudden contrast to serious news. In a segment on President Obama's trip to China Stewart remarks on America's debt to the Chinese government while also having a weak relationship with the country. After depicting this dismal situation, Stewart shifts to speak directly to President Obama, calling upon him to "shine that turd up."[45] For Stewart and his audience, introducing coarse language into what is otherwise a serious commentary on the state of foreign relations serves to frame the segment comically, creating a serious tone underlying the comedic agenda presented by Stewart.
Forms Edit
Main article: Comedic genres Comedy may be divided into multiple genres based on the source of humor, the method of delivery, and the context in which it is delivered. The different forms of comedy often overlap, and most comedy can fit into multiple genres. Some of the subgenres of comedy are farce, comedy of manners, burlesque, and satire.
Some comedy apes certain cultural forms: for instance, parody and satire often imitate the conventions of the genre they are parodying or satirizing. For example, in the United States, parodies of newspapers and television news include The Onion, and The Colbert Report; in Australia, shows such as Kath & Kim, Utopia, and Shaun Micallef's Mad As Hell perform the same role.
Self-deprecation is a technique of comedy used by many comedians who focus on their misfortunes and foibles in order to entertain.
Performing arts Edit
Main article: Comedy (drama) Historical forms Edit Ancient Greek comedy, as practiced by Aristophanes and Menander Ancient Roman comedy, as practiced by Plautus and Terence Burlesque, from Music hall and Vaudeville to Performance art Citizen comedy, as practiced by Thomas Dekker, Thomas Middleton and Ben Jonson Clowns such as Richard Tarlton, William Kempe, and Robert Armin Comedy of humours, as practiced by Ben Jonson and George Chapman Comedy of intrigue, as practiced by Niccolò Machiavelli and Lope de Vega Comedy of manners, as practiced by Molière, William Wycherley and William Congreve Comedy of menace, as practiced by David Campton and Harold Pinter comédie larmoyante or 'tearful comedy', as practiced by Pierre-Claude Nivelle de La Chaussée and Louis-Sébastien Mercier Commedia dell'arte, as practiced in the twentieth century by Dario Fo, Vsevolod Meyerhold, and Jacques Copeau Farce, from Georges Feydeau to Joe Orton and Alan Ayckbourn Jester Laughing comedy, as practiced by Oliver Goldsmith and Richard Brinsley Sheridan Restoration comedy, as practiced by George Etherege, Aphra Behn and John Vanbrugh Sentimental comedy, as practiced by Colley Cibber and Richard Steele Shakespearean comedy, as practiced by William Shakespeare Stand-up comedy Dadaist and Surrealist performance, usually in cabaret form Theatre of the Absurd, used by some critics to describe Samuel Beckett, Harold Pinter, Jean Genet and Eugène Ionesco[46] Sketch comedy Plays Edit Comic theatre Musical comedy and palace Opera Edit Comic opera Improvisational comedy Edit Improvisational theatre Bouffon comedy Clowns Jokes Edit One-liner joke Blonde jokes Shaggy-dog story Paddy Irishman joke Polish jokes Light bulb jokes Stand-up comedy Edit Stand-up comedy is a mode of comic performance in which the performer addresses the audience directly, usually speaking in their own person rather than as a dramatic character.
Impressionist (entertainment) Alternative comedy Comedy club Comedy albums Events and awards Edit
American Comedy Awards British Comedy Awards Canadian Comedy Awards Cat Laughs Comedy Festival The Comedy Festival, Aspen, Colorado, formerly the HBO Comedy Arts Festival Edinburgh Festival Fringe Edinburgh Comedy Festival Halifax Comedy Festival Just for Laughs festival, Montreal Leicester Comedy Festival Mark Twain Prize for American Humor Melbourne International Comedy Festival New Zealand International Comedy Festival New York Underground Comedy Festival HK International Comedy Festival List of comedians Edit
List of stand-up comedians List of musical comedians List of Australian comedians List of British comedians List of Canadian comedians List of Filipino comedians List of Finnish comedians List of German language comedians List of Indian comedians List of Italian comedians List of Mexican comedians List of Puerto Rican comedians Mass media Edit
Literature Edit Comic novel Light poetry Comedic journalism Film Edit Comedy film Anarchic comedy film Gross-out film Parody film Romantic comedy Screwball comedy film Slapstick film Television and radio Edit Television comedy Situation comedy Radio comedy Comedy networks Edit British sitcom British comedy Comedy Central – A television channel devoted strictly to comedy Comedy Nights with Kapil – An Indian television program German television comedy List of British TV shows remade for the American market Paramount Comedy (Spain) Paramount Comedy 1 and 2. TBS (TV network) The Comedy Channel (Australia) The Comedy Channel (UK) The Comedy Channel (United States) – merged into Comedy Central. HA! – merged into Comedy Central The Comedy Network, a Canadian TV channel. Gold See also Edit
Lists of comedy films List of comedy television series List of genres Theories of humor Women in comedy Footnotes Edit
^ Henderson, J. (1993) Comic Hero versus Political Elite pp. 307–19 in Sommerstein, A.H.; S. Halliwell; J. Henderson; B. Zimmerman, eds. (1993). Tragedy, Comedy and the Polis. Bari: Levante Editori. ^ (Anatomy of Criticism, 1957) ^ Marteinson, 2006 ^ Cornford (1934)[page needed] ^ a b Oxford English Dictionary ^ McKeon, Richard. The Basic Works Of Aristotle, the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2001, p. 1459. ^ Webber, Edwin J. (January 1958). "Comedy as Satire in Hispano-Arabic Spain". Hispanic Review. 26 (1): 1–11. doi:10.2307/470561. JSTOR 470561. ^ Herman Braet, Guido Latré, Werner Verbeke (2003) Risus mediaevalis: laughter in medieval literature and art p.1 quotation: The deliberate use by Menard of the term 'le rire' rather than 'l'humour' reflects accurately the current evidency to incorporate all instances of the comic in the analysis, while the classification in genres and fields such as grotesque, humour and even irony or satire always poses problems. The terms humour and laughter are therefore pragmatically used in recent historiography to cover the entire spectrum.
^ , Ménard, Philippe (1988) Le rire et le sourire au Moyen Age dans la littérature et les arts. Essai de problématique in Bouché, T. and Charpentier H. (eds., 1988) Le rire au Moyen Âge, Actes du colloque international de Bordeaux, pp. 7–30 ^ Aristophanes (1996) Lysistrata, Introduction, p.ix, published by Nick Hern Books ^ Reckford, Kenneth J. (1987)Aristophanes' Old-and-new Comedy: Six essays in perspective p.105 ^ Cornford, F.M. (1934) The Origin of Attic Comedy pp.3-4 quotation: That Comedy sprang up and took shape in connection with Dionysiac or Phallic ritual has never been doubted.
^ "Aristotle, Poetics, lines beginning at 1449a". Perseus.tufts.edu. Retrieved 2012-06-30. ^ For example, Encyclopedia Americana, 2006, Vol. 30. p. 605: "the greatest single work of Italian literature;" John Julius Norwich, The Italians: History, Art, and the Genius of a People, Abrams, 1983, p. 27: "his tremendous poem, still after six and a half centuries the supreme work of Italian literature, remains – after the legacy of ancient Rome – the grandest single element in the Italian heritage;" and Robert Reinhold Ergang, The Renaissance, Van Nostrand, 1967, p. 103: "Many literary historians regard the Divine Comedy as the greatest work of Italian literature. In world literature, it is ranked as an epic poem of the highest order." ^ Bloom, Harold (1994). The Western Canon. See also Western canon for other "canons" that include the Divine Comedy. ^ See Lepschy, Laura; Lepschy, Giulio (1977). The Italian Language Today. or any other history of Italian language. ^ Peter E. Bondanella, The Inferno, Introduction, p. xliii, Barnes & Noble Classics, 2003, ISBN 1-59308-051-4: "the key fiction of the Divine Comedy is that the poem is true." ^ Dorothy L. Sayers, Hell, notes on page 19. ^ Charles Allen Dinsmore, The Teachings of Dante, Ayer Publishing, 1970, p. 38, ISBN 0-8369-5521-8. ^ The Fordham Monthly Fordham University, Vol. XL, Dec. 1921, p. 76 ^ Approaches to teaching Dante's Divine comedy. Slade, Carole., Cecchetti, Giovanni, 1922–1998. New York: Modern Language Association of America. 1982. ISBN 978-0-87352-478-0. OCLC 7671339. ^ Ronnie H. Terpening, Lodovico Dolce, Renaissance Man of Letters (Toronto, Buffalo, London: University of Toronto Press, 1997), p. 166. ^ Dante The Inferno A Verse Translation by Professor Robert and Jean Hollander p. 43 ^ Epist. XIII 43 to 48 ^ Wilkins E.H The Prologue to the Divine Comedy Annual Report of the Dante Society, pp. 1–7. ^ Regan, Richard. "Shakespearean comedy" ^ Wheeler, R. Mortimer (1911). "Punch (puppet)" . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. 22 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 648–649. ^ a b "Punch and Judy around the world". The Telegraph. 11 June 2015. ^ "Mr Punch celebrates 350 years of puppet anarchy". BBC. 11 June 2015. ^ Jeffrey Richards (2014). "The Golden Age of Pantomime: Slapstick, Spectacle and Subversion in Victorian England". I.B.Tauris, ^ a b McCabe, John. "Comedy World of Stan Laurel". p. 143. London: Robson Books, 2005, First edition 1975 ^ Burton, Alan (2000). Pimple, pranks & pratfalls: British film comedy before 1930. Flicks Books. p. 51. ^ J. P. Gallagher (1971). "Fred Karno: master of mirth and tears". p. 165. Hale. ^ a b Stockwell, Peter (2016-11-01). The Language of Surrealism. p. 177. ISBN 978-1-137-39219-0. ^ Lear, Edward (2004-10-08). Nonsense Songs, Stories, Botany, and Alphabets. ^ Buelens, Geert; Hendrix, Harald; Jansen, Monica, eds. (2012). The History of Futurism: The Precursors, Protagonists, and Legacies. Lexington Books. ISBN 978-0-7391-7387-9. ^ Gayford, Martin (16 February 2008). "Duchamp's Fountain: The practical joke that launched an artistic revolution". The Telegraph. Retrieved 5 February 2017. ^ Meacham, Steve (2010-09-15). "Absurd moments: in the frocks of the dame". Brisbanetimes.com.au. Retrieved 2011-12-20. ^ Robert Barton, Annie McGregor (2014-01-03). Theatre in Your Life. CengageBrain. p. 218. ISBN 978-1-285-46348-3. ^ "An impolite interview with Lenny Bruce". The Realist (15): 3. February 1960. Retrieved 2011-12-30. ^ Meredith, George (1987). "Essay on Comedy, Comic Spirit". Encyclopedia of the Self, by Mark Zimmerman. Retrieved 2011-12-30. ^ "The Comic Frame". newantichoicerhetoric.web.unc.edu. ^ "Standing Up for Comedy: Kenneth Burke and The Office – KB Journal". www.kbjournal.org. ^ "History – School of Humanities and Sciences". www.ithaca.edu. Ithaca College. ^ Trischa Goodnow Knapp (2011). The Daily Show and Rhetoric: Arguments, Issues, and Strategies. p. 327. Lexington Books, 2011 ^ This list was compiled with reference to The Cambridge Guide to Theatre (1998). Notations Edit
Aristotle. Poetics. Buckham, Philip Wentworth (1827). Theatre of the Greeks. Marteinson, Peter (2006). On the Problem of the Comic: A Philosophical Study on the Origins of Laughter. Ottawa: Legas Press. http://french.chass.utoronto.ca/as-sa/editors/origins.html Pickard-Cambridge, Sir Arthur Wallace Dithyramb, Tragedy, and Comedy , 1927. The Theatre of Dionysus in Athens, 1946. The Dramatic Festivals of Athens, 1953. Raskin, Victor (1985). The Semantic Mechanisms of Humor. Springer. ISBN 978-90-277-1821-1. Riu, Xavier (1999). "Dionysism and Comedy". Bryn Mawr Classical Review. Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane (2003). Tragedy and Athenian Religion. Lexington Books. ISBN 978-0-7391-0400-2. Trypanis, C.A. (1981). Greek Poetry from Homer to Seferis. University of Chicago Press. Wiles, David (1991). The Masked Menander: Sign and Meaning in Greek and Roman Performance. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-40135-7. Further reading Edit
Comedy at Curlie A Vocabulary for Comedy (definitions are taken from Harmon, William & C. Hugh Holman. A Handbook to Literature. 7th ed.) External links Edit
Wikisource has the text of the 1920 Encyclopedia Americana article Comedy. Learning materials related to Collaborative play writing at Wikiversity Comedy at Wikipedia's sister projects Definitions from Wiktionary Media from Wikimedia Commons News from Wikinews Quotations from Wikiquote Texts from Wikisource Textbooks from Wikibooks Resources from Wikiversity Last edited 9 days ago by TheUnbeholden RELATED ARTICLES Comic timing the use of timing to enhance a comedic purpose Old Comedy earliest period of ancient Greek comedic drama Comedy (drama) theatrical genre intended to make an audience laugh Wikipedia
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Excerpts from Ivan Illich's essay, "Shadow Work" (1981). (Part 1).

Sources: https://mafiadoc.com/shadow-work_59d072d61723ddd7865befd7.html
http://www.philosophica.ugent.be/fulltexts/26-2.pdf (2.4 Megabyte pdf)
My interest is in that entirely different form of unpaid work which an industrial society demands as a necessary complement to the production of goods and services. This kind of unpaid servitude does not contribute to subsistence. Quite the contrary, equally with wage-labor, it ravages subsistence. I call this complement to wage-labor "shadow-work". It comprises most housework women do in their homes and apartments, the activities connected with shopping, most of the homework of students cramming for exams, the toil expended commuting to and from the job. It includes the stress of forced consumption, the tedious and regimented surrender to therapists, compliance with bureaucrats, the preparation for work to which one is compelled, and many of the activities usually labelled "family life."
In traditional cultures the shadow-work is as marginal as wage-labor, often difficult to identify. In industrial societies, it is assumed as routine. Euphemism, however, scatters it. Strong taboos act against its analysis as a unified entity. Industrial production determines its necessity, extent and forms. But it is hidden by the industrial-age ideology, according to which all those activities into which people are coerced for the sake of the economy, by means that are primarily social, count as satisfaction of needs rather than as work.
To grasp the nature of shadow-work we must avoid two confusions. It is not a subsistence activity, it feeds the formal economy, not social subsistence. Nor is it underpaid wage-labor, its unpaid performance is the condition for wages to be paid. I shall insist on the distinction between shadow and subsistence work[9], as much as on its distinction from wage-labor, no matter how vigorous the protests from unionists, marxists and some feminists. I shall examine shadow-work as a unique form of bondage, not much closer to servitude than to either slavery or wage-labor.
While for wage-labor you apply and qualify, for shadow-work you are born or diagnosed. For wage-labor you are selected; into shadow-work you are put. The time, toil and loss of dignity entailed are exacted without pay. Yet increasingly the unpaid self-discipline of shadow-work becomes more important than wage-labor for further economic growth.
What today stands for work, namely wage-labor, was a badge of misery all through the Middle Ages [14]. It stood in clear opposition to at least three other types of toil : the activities of the household by which most people subsisted, quite marginal to any money economy: the trades of people who made shoes, barbared or cut stones; the various forms of beggary by which people lived on what others shared with them [15]. In principle, medieval society provided a berth for everyone whom it recognized as a member : its structural design excluded unemployment and destitution. When one engaged in wage-labor, not occasionally as the member of a household but as a regular means of total support, he clearly signaled to the community that he, like a widow or an orphan, had no berth, no household, and so, stood in need of public assistance.
Until the late 12th century, the term poverty designated primarily a realistic detachment from transitory things [19]. The need to live by wage-labor was the sign for the down and out, for those too wretched to be simply added to that huge medieval crowd of cripples, exiles, pilgrims, madmen, friars, ambulants, homeless that made up the world of the poor. The dependence on wage-labor was the recognition that the worker had neither a home where he could contribute within the household, nor the ability to rely on the alms of society. The right to beggary was a normative issue, but never the right to work[20].
Until the mid 16th century[27], French poor houses were run on the medieval Christian assumption that forced labor was a punishment for sin or crime[28]. In protestant Europe and in some Italian cities which were industrialized early, that view had been abandoned a century earlier. The pioneering policies and equipment in Dutch Calvinist or North German work houses clearly show this[29]. They were organized and equipped for the cure of laziness and for the development of the will to do work as assigned. These workhouses were designed and built to transform useless beggars into useful workers. As such, they were the reverse of medieval alms-giving agencies. Set up to receive beggars caught by the police, these institutions softened them up for treatment by a few days of no food and a carefully planned ration of daily lashes. Then, treatment with work at the treadmill or at the rasp followed until the transformation of the inmate into a useful worker was diagnosed. One even finds provisions for intensive care. People resistant to work were thrown into a constantly flooding pit, where they could survive only by frantically pumping all day long. Not only in their pedagogical approach, but also in their method of training for self-approbation, these institutions are true precursors of compulsory schools. I have found a collection of thirty-two letters written by former inmates addressed to the workhouse in Bremen and published by that institution. Each one purports to be grateful acknowledgement of a cure from sloth by a successfully treated (schooled) patient.
All through the 18th and well into the 19th century, the project of Economic Alchemy produced no echo from below. The plebeians rioted. They rioted for just grain prices, they rioted against the export of grain from their regions, they rioted to protect prisoners of debt and felt protected whenever the law seemed not to coincide with their tradition of natural justice. The proto-industrial plebeian crowd defended its "moral economy" as Thompson has called it. And they rioted against the attacks on this economy's social foundation : against the enclosure of sheep and now against the enclosure of beggars[30]. And in these riots, the crowd was led, more often than not, by its women. Now, how did this rioting proto-industrial crowd, defending its right to subsistence, turn into a striking labor force, defending "rights" to wages? What was the social device that did the job, where the new poor laws and work houses had failed? It was the economic division of labor into a productive and a non-productive kind, pioneered and first enforced through the domestic enclosure of women[31].
An unprecedented economic division of the sexes[32], an unprecedented economic conception of the family[33], an unprecedented antagonism between the domestic and public spheres made wage-work into a necessary adjunct of life. All this was accomplished by making working men into the wardens of their domestic women, one on one, and making this guardianship into a burdensome duty[34]. The enclosure of women succeeded where the enclosure of sheep and beggars had failed.
[9] Subsistence. Should I use the term? Until a few years ago in English it was monopolized by the "subsistence agriculture", this meant billions living on "bare survival", the lot from which development agencies were to save them. Or it meant the lowest level to which a bum could sink on skid-row. Or, finally, it was identified with "subsistence" which, in turn, was identified with wages. To avoid these confusions, in my article in CoEvolution, part I, pp. 29-30, I have proposed the use of the term "vernacular". This is a technical term used by Roman lawyers for the inverse of a commodity. "Vernaculum, Quidquid domi nascitur, domestici fructus, res, quae alicui nata est, et quam non emit. Ita hanc vocem interpretatur Anianus in leg. 3. Cod. Th. de lustrali collatione, ubi Jacob. Gothofredus." DU CANGE, Glossarium Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis, vol. VIII, p. 283.
I want to speak about vernacular activity and vernacular domain. Nevertheless, here, I am avoiding these expressions because I cannot expect from my readers of this essay to be acquainted with "Vernacular Values". Use-value oriented activities, non-monetary transactions, embedded economic activities, substantive economics, these all are terms which have been tried. I stick to "subsistence" in this paper. I will oppose subsistence oriented activities to those who are at the service of a formal economy, no matter if these economic activities are paid or not. And, within the realm of economic activities, I will distinguish a formal and an informal sector, to which wage and shadow-work correspond.
SACHS, Ignacy et SCHIRAY, M. Styles de vie et de developpement dans le monde occidental: experiences et experimentations. Regional Seminar on Alternative Patterns of Development and Life Styles for the African Region, December 1978. CIRED, 54 boul. Raspail , Paris 6., attempts a similar distinction between true and phoney use-values:"Le hors-marché recouvre deux réalités fort différentes, les prestations de services gratuits par l'Etat et la production autonome de valeurs d 'usage... Les pseudo-valeurs d'usage n'apportent aucune satisfaction positive de besoin autre que la satisfaction de posséder plus." For background on this: SACHS, Ignacy. "La notion de surplus et son application aux économies primitives". In L'Homme, tome VI, no 3, juillet-sept. 1966. pp. 5-18; and EGNER, Erich. Hauswirtschaft und Lebenshaltung. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1974. An interesting international seminar on subsistence has been held in Bielefeld: Universitat Bielefeld, Soziologische Fakultat, Postfach 8640, D-4800 Bielefeld.
[14] SCHUMPETER, Joseph A. History of Economic Analysis. London: Allen & Unwin, 1954. p. 270: "In principle, medieval society provided a berth for everyone whom it recognized as a member: its structural design excluded unemployment and destitution." HOBSBAWN, E.J. "Poverty" in Encyclopedia of Social Science. Pauperism arose historically beyond the border of the functioning primary social group ... a man's wife and children were not ipso facto paupers, but widows and orphans, who stood in danger of loosing their berth were perhaps the earliest clearly defined category of persons with a call upon public assistance.
[15] Medieval attitudes towards poverty and towards work. The attitude that people had towards the weak, hungry, sick, homeless, landless, mad, imprisoned, enslaved, fugitive, orphaned, exiled, crippled, beggars, ascetics, street vendors, soldiers, foundlings and others who were relatively deprived has changed throughout history. For every epoch, specific attitudes to each of these categories are in a unique constellation. Economic history, when it studies poverty, tends to neglect these attitudes. Economic history tends to focus on measurements of average and median calory intake, group-specific mortality rates, the polarisation in the use of resources etc ... During the last decade, the historical study of attitudes towards poverty has made considerable progress. For late antiquity and the Middle Ages, MOLLAT, Michel. Etudes sur l'histoire de la pauvreté. Serie "Etudes", tome 8, Publications de la Sorbonne, Paris, collects a selection of three dozen studies submitted to his seminar. POLICA, Gabriella Severina. "Storia della poverta e storia dei poveri." in Studi Medievali, 17, 1976. pp. 363-391, surveys the recent literature. On the cyclical experience of poverty in the Middle Ages see: DUBY, Georges. "Les pauvres des campagnes dans l'Occident medieval jusqu'au XIII siecle." in Revue d'Histoire de l'Eglise de France, 52, 1966. pp. 25-33. Some of the most valuable contributions have been made by a Polish historian: GEREMEK, Bronislav. "Criminalité, vagabondage, pauperisme: la marginalité à l'aube des temps modernes." in Revue d'Histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21, 1974, pp. 337-375, and, by the same author Les marginaux parisiens aux XIV et XV siècles. Paris: Flammarion, 1976. Translated from the Russian, a delightful book is BAKHTINE, Mikkail. Rabelais and his World. Transl. by Hélène Iswolsky, M.I.T. Press, 1971. In French: L 'oeuvre de François Rabelais et la culture populaire au Moyen Age et sous la Renaissance, transl. by Andree Robel. Gallimard, 1970. He describes how the poor projected their self-image in carnivals, festivals, farces.
[19] LADNER, G. "Homo Viator: medieval Ideas on Alienation and Order." in Speculum, 42, 1967, pp. 233-59, masterfully describes this attitude: the pilgrim, homo viator, placed between "ordo" and "abalienatio" was a fundamental ideal for the Middle Ages. CONVENGNI DEL CENTRO DI STUDI SULLA SPIRITUALITA MEDIEVALE. Vol. III. Poverta e richezza nella spiritualitti del secolo XI e XII. Italia, Todi, 1969, gathers a dozen contributions about the attitudes towards "poverty" which complete the collection of Michel Mollat.
[20] COUVREUR, G. "Les pauvres ont-ils des droits? Recherches sur le vol en cas d'extrème nécessité depuis la "Concordia" de Gratien, 1140, jusqu'à Guillaume d'Auxerre, mort en 1231. Rome-Paris: Thèse, 1961, is a full study of the legal recognition of rights that derive from poverty during the high Middle Ages. On the legal, canonical expressions given to these rights, consult: TIERNEY, B. Medieval Poor Law: A Sketch of Canonical Theory and its Applications in England. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1959
[27] HUFTON, O. The Poor in XVIIth Century France. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974.
[28] TAWNEY, R.H. Religion and the Rise of Capitalism, 1926. p. 254ff. argues that in England an hardening of the attitude towards the poor can be noticed in the late XVII century when poverty is first identified with vice. MARSHALL, Dorothy. The English Poor in the XVIII Century: A Study in Social and Administrative History. London, 1926. p. 20 ff., finds this hardening of attitudes only at the beginning of the XVIII century, but not earlier as R.H. Tawney. See also: MARSHALL, Dorothy. "The Old Poor Law, 1662-1795." in CARUS-WILSON, E. M. Essays in Economic History. Vol. 1, pp. 295-305. GEREMEK, B. "Renfermement des pauvres en Italie, XIV-XVlIo siecles." in Mélanges en l'honneur de F. Braudel, I, Toulouse 1973.
[29] KRUEGER, Horst. Zur Geschichte der Manufakturen und Manufakturarbeiter in Preussen. Berlin, DBR: Ruetten und Loening, 1958. p.598.
[30] Moral Economy. On the proto-industrial crowd: THOMPSON, Edward P. The Making of the English Working Class. New York: Random House, 1966, has become a classic. BREWER, John, and STYLES, John. An Ungovernable People: the English and their Law in the XVII and XVIII centuries. Rutgers Univ. Press, 1979, gather materials for the first major factual critique of Thompson. In England, at least, criminal rather than civil law was used by the elite to repress the crowd. Thompson's basic insight about the existence of a moral economy is confirmed by the new study. See also MEDICK, Hans. "The proto-industrial Family Economy: the Structural Functions of Household and Family during the transition from Peasant Society to Industrial Capitalism." in Social History, 1, 1976, pp. 291-315, so far the clearest statement on this transition that I have seen. Complement this, especially for new bibliography, with MEDICK, Hans and SABEAN, David. "Family and Kinship: Material Interest and Emotion." in Peasant Studies, vol. 8, no 2, 1979. pp. 139-160.
[31] Four issues on the division of labour that must not be confused. These four issues are intimately related, but cannot be clarified unless they are separately discussed.
  1. It becomes increasingly obvious that there is no proven correlation between education for a specialized function and the technical competence for the performance of this function. Further, the basic assumptions on which a socialist critique of a capitalist division of labour were built, have ceased to hold. See the introduction to GORZ, Andre. Critique de la division du travail. Paris: Seuil, 1973. In German: "Kritik der Arbeitsteilung" in Technologie und Politik, no 8, pp. 137-147; and GORZ, Andre. Adieux aux proletariat: au delà du socialisme. Paris: Galilee, 1980. Les forces productives développées par le capitalisme en portent à tel point l'empreinte, qu'elles ne peuvent etre gérées ni mises en oeuvre selon une rationalité socialiste ... Le capitalisme a fait naitre une classe ouvrière dont les intérêts, les capacités, les qualifications, sont fonction de forces productives, elles-mêmes fonctionnelles par rapport à la seule rationalité capitaliste. Le dépassement du capitalisme ... ne peut dès lors provenir que de couches qui representent ou prefigurent la dissolution de toutes les classes, y compris de la classe ouvrièrè elle-même ... La division capitaliste du travail a détruit le double fondement du "socialisme scientifique" - le travail ouvrier ne comporte plus de pouvoir et il n'est plus une activité propre de travailleur. L'ouvrier traditionnel n'est plus qu'une minorité privilegiée. La majorité de la population appartient à ce néo-prolétariat post-industriel des sans-statut et des sans-classe ... surqualifiés .... Ils ne peuvent se reconnaître dans l'appelation de "travailleur ", ni dans celle, symétrique, de "chômeur" ... la société produit pour faire de travail ... le travail devient astreinte inutile pour laquelle la société cherche à masquer aux individus leur chômage ... le travailleur assiste à son devenir comme à un processus étranger et à un spectacle.
  2. A new trend in the history of technology is represented by KUBY, Thomas. "Über den Gesellschaftlichen Ursprung der Maschine." in Technologie und Politik, no 16, 1980, pp. 71-103, (English version in forthcoming The Convivial Archipelago, edited by Valentina BORREMANS (1981). Summary of a forthcoming important study on Sir Richard Arkwright, the barber and wigmaker who in 1767 constructed the first spinning machine that could make cotton yarn suitable for warps. His invention is usually seen as a linear progress beyond Hargrave's spinning Jenny - at that time already power-driven - that could make yarn only for weft. Division of labour was not a necessary implication of technical improvement needed to increase production. Rather, increased productivity could not be exacted from workers without organizing technical processes in such manner that they also reduced workers to disciplined cogs attached to a machine. For a splendid introduction to the history of thought on the relationship between freedom and techniques see ULRICH, Otto. Technik und Herrschaft. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1977. Also MARGLIN, Stephen, "What do bosses do?" in Review of Radical Political Economics, VI, Summer 1974, pp. 60-112; VII, Spring 1975. pp. 20-37, argues that the XIX century factory system developed not due to a technological superiority over handicraft production, but due to its more effective control of the labour force that it gave to the employer.
  3. A third aspect under which the division of labour is currently discussed is the culture-specific assignment of tasks between the sexes. See next note 32.
  4. The economic division of labour into a productive and a non-productive kind, is a fourth issue which must not be confused with any of the first three. BAULANT, M. "La famille en miettes." in Annales, no ,1972. p. 960 ff. For the process see MEDICK, Hans. op. cit. previous note. It is the economic redefinition of sexes in the XIX century. I will show that this "sexual" character has been veiled in the XIX century.
[32] Division of labour by sex. No two non-industrial societies assign tasks to men and to women in the same way, MEAD, Margaret. Male and Female: A Study of the Sexes in a Changing World. New York: Dell Publ., 1968, especially p. 178 ff. Clear, to the point, and with good bibliography are: ROBERTS, Michael. "Sickles and Scythes: Women's Work and Men's Work at Harvest Time." in History Workshop, 7, 1979. pp. 3-28, and BROWN, Judith. "A Note on the Division of Labour by Sex." in American Anthropologist, 72, 1970. pp. 1073-1078. For illustrations from the recent English past see: KITTERINGHAM, Jennie. "Country Work Girls in XIX century England" in SAMUEL, Raphael, ed. Village Life and Labour. London-Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975. pp. 73-138. A survey: WHITE, Martin K. The Status of Women in Pre-Industrial Societies. Princeton Univ. Press, 1976. For bibliography, consult WILDEN, James. The Family in Past Time: A Guide to Literature. Garland, 1977; and ROGERS, S.C. "Woman's Place: A Critical Review of Anthropological Theory." in Comparative Studies of Society and History, 20, 1978, pp. 123-167. This cultural division of labour by sex must not be confused with the economic division of labour into the primarily productive man and the primarily, or naturally, reproductive woman, that came into being during the XIX century.
[33] The modern couple and the nuclear family. The nuclear family is not new. What is without precedent, is a society which elevates the subsistenceless family into the norm and thereby discriminates against all types of bonds between two people that do not take their model from this new family.
The new entity came into being as the wage-earners family in the XIX century. Its purpose was that of coupling one principal wage-earner and his shadow. The household became the place where the consumption of wages takes place. HAUSEN, Karin. "Die Polarisierung des Geschlechtscharakters: eine Spiegelung der Dissoziation von Erwerb und Familienleben" in Sozialgeschichte der Familie in der Neuzeit Europas, Neue Forschung. Hrsg. von W. CONZE, Stuttgart, 1976. pp. 367-393. This remains true even today when in many cases all members of a household are both wage-earners and active homebodies. It remains true even for the "single's" home equipped with "one-person-household-ice-box".
This new economic function of the family is often veiled by discussion about "nuclear family". Nuclear family, conjugally organized households, can exist and have existed throughout history as the norm in societies in which the coupling of subsistence-less people would not have been conceivable. VEYNE, Paul. "La famille et l'amour sous I Haut-Empire romain." in Annales, 33 annee, no 1, janv.-fevr. 1978, pp. 35-63, claims that between Augustus and the Antonines in Rome, independently from any christian influence, the ideal of a nuclear, conjugal family had come into being. It was in the interest of the owners to make this kind of family obligatory for their slaves. In its aristocratic form, it was taken over by christians. DUBY, Georges. La société au XI et XII siècles dans la région maconnaise. Paris 1953, and HERLIHY, David. "Family Solidarity in Medieval Italian History." in Economy, Society and Government in Medieval Italy. Kent State Univ. Press, 1969. pp. 173-179, see the early European family typically reduced to a conjugal cell into well into the XII century. Then, a process of consolidation begins that is concerned mainly with land-holdings. Canon law has little influence on it. See also PELLEGRINI, Giovan Battista. "Terminologia matrimoniale" in Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano per l'Alto Mediocevo di Spoleto, 1977. pp. 43-102, which introduces into the complex terminology, or set of terminologies, which are necessary to understand medieval marriage. See also METRAL, M.O. Le mariage: les hésitations de l'Occident. Préface de Philippe Ariès. Paris: Aubier, 1977. For the XVII and XVIII centuries I found useful ARIES, Philippe. L'enfant et la vie familiale sous l'ancien regime. Pion, 1960, and LEBRUN, François. La vie conjugale sous l'ancien regime. Paris: Colin, 1975. LASLETT, Peter. Un monde que nous avons perdu: les structures sociales pré-industrielles. Flammarion, 1969. Engl.: The World we have lost, find conjugal families typical for England much before the industrial revolution. BERKNER and SHORTER, Edward, "La vie intime": Beitrage zur Geschichte am Beispiel des kulturellen Wandels in der Bayrischen Unterschichte im 19 Jh." in Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie. Sonderheft 16, 1972, find nuclear families typical for South-Germanic peasants at a certain stage in the life-cycle when the old have died off. It seems probable that the extended family is primarily "the nostalgia of modern sociologists".
What makes the modem family unique, is the "social" sphere in which it exists. The O.E.D. gives among nine meanings the third as: "group of persons consisting of the parents and their children, whether actually living together or not", as a meaning that appears in the XIX century. Family-quarrels, 1801; family-life, 1845; unfit for family-reading, 1853; family tickets for admission for half the price, 1859; family-magazine, 1874.
HERLIHY, David. "Land, Family and Women in Continental Europe, 701-1200." in Traditio, 18, 1962. pp. 89-120. (Fordham Univ. N.Y.)
[34] The family as an institution of "police". In the subsistent family, the members were tied together by the need of creating their livelihood. In the modern couple-centered family, the members are kept together for the sake of an economy to which they, themselves, are marginal. DONZELOT, Jacques. La police des familles. Paris: Ed. de Minuit, 1977. Engl.: The Policing of Families, transl. by Robert Hurley. New York: Pantheon, 1979, follows and elaborates FOUCAULT, Michel. La volonté de savoir. Paris: Gallimard, 1976, by describing this as "policing" by which the so-called social domain is created ... the domain to which we refer when we speak of "social" work, "social scourge, "social" programmes, "social" advancement. According to J. Donzelot, the history of this domain, and the process by which it comes into being, namely "policing" can neither be identified with traditional political history, nor with the history of popular culture. It represents a bio-political dimension that uses political techniques to invest the body, health, modes of living and housing, through activities which all were, originally, called policing. Doncelot's attempt to describe the formation of the "social sphere" will be better understood after reading DUMONT, Louis. "The Modern Conception of the Individual: Notes on its Genesis and that of Concomitant Institutions." in Contributions to Indian Sociology. VIII, October 1965.; also Micro-fiches, Presses de la Fondation des Sciences Politiques. The French translation: "La conception moderne de l'individu: notes sur sa genèse en relation avec les conceptions de la politique et de l'Etat à partir du XIIIe siècle." in: Esprit, fevrier, 1978. L. Dumont describes the simultaneous appearance of the political and the economic sphere. See also Paul Dumouchel's, op. cit. comments on Louis Dumont.
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